Popularity vs. Organization in Pakistan Politics.
The politics in the country has a long history of instances where popularity is never sufficient to keep a political movement going. Charismatic leadership has the power to create passion in the people, raise the crowds and rewrite the histories of nations, but sustainable political force is constructed not only by feeling but also by organization, institutional and party strength, and regime workers. All large political parties in Pakistan have been challenged by the state, legally and politically, at certain times when the people were put to a test of their enthusiasm. When it really matters, all the slogans and social media hashtags are not the decisive factor when it comes to parties, but the actual bottom-up organization and the desire of its employees to suffer are.
The answer to this question is important because, given the current state of politics, why is it that having masses of people publicized through the internet or electoral rallies does not always lead to political resistance in the streets?
This is the space between popularity and participation, which is the main issue of the dilemma of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) today. This paradox can only be explained by looking at the issue of fear, political culture, party organization and the changing relationship of citizens and the state in modern Pakistan. Where are the people with Imran Khan's fan following, fan club and cult? What fear are they suffering from? Has the state prevented them from being part of the political process? Did the arrests on May 9 also shake the voters and supporters of PTI? Today people are not ready to come out against the rigging in the February 8 elections; they are not ready to register their protest. Although this is their constitutional right.
It is an interesting point that the same state that was kind to a political party at one time is not even letting that political party breathe at another time.
This is not the first time this has happened; many political parties have had to go through such chaotic stages before. The Pakistan Peoples Party is a great example of this; it has seen many crisis periods, and even today when Asif Ali Zardari mentions his fourteen years in prison, a sense of pride can be easily read on his face. Similarly, Nawaz Sharif has seen many ups and downs in the field of politics, but his political party has not allowed anyone else to take its space. What is the difference between these two big political parties and PTI? That difference is the workers who strengthened the party structure of the PPP and the PML-N and maintained themselves in an environment of oppression and cruelty in every crisis period. The problem with PTI is that it has not prepared such workers who would face the state oppression manfully in the current crisis situation.
The fact is that those who were with Imran Khan in 2013 were not with him in 2018, and those who joined him in 2018 as electables had parted ways by 2022. Behind them are the children with fan clubs, fan followings and cults who love Imran Khan, consider him to be true, and pray for him but are not convinced to come out on the streets and protest. The result is that it is becoming increasingly difficult for institutions working for the upliftment of the constitution and law at the international level to raise their voice for Imran Khan. Then, a crowd of young workers in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa definitely heads towards Islamabad, but even they do not understand what to do when they reach there because those who take them there leave them there and disappear.
A few months ago, a function was held at Shaukat Khanum Cancer Hospital; many well-wishers avoided going to the function because they thought that each person would be scanned there.
This is the fear that has turned people away from PTI because of the kind of atmosphere that was created after May 9, and the electables separated from PTI one by one; some held a press conference, and some declared their disassociation and saved their lives. After that, it became difficult for the common people to mention PTI and Imran Khan in public, and this trend continues till today. People say that the kind of fear that has arisen in the society has made people withdraw from the fight against cancer. These circles believe that Prime Minister Imran Khan was harmed by flattery; due to his incompetence, Imran Khan could not do anything for the people that was expected of him. These circles are also found saying that Imran Khan ate money and did not trade for the country; similarly, Imran Khan did not need any new fame; those who used his fame tried to achieve their goals, for which Imran Khan is also having to suffer the punishment. They also say that Imran Khan did not need to commit corruption because he has earned a lot of money in his life. Imran Khan's only problem was that he was the stupidest person in politics who gave people like Firdous Ashiq Awan and Fawad Chaudhry the opportunity to gather around him. Where is the Oxford-educated Imran Khan, and where is Usman Buzdar? Then this was the result that should have come out. That is why these circles say that Imran Khan was not a politician; he does not know politics at all; he had to learn by being pushed, but those we have spoken to insist that they stand with Imran Khan because he is truthful.
Workers of any political party make sacrifices for the party in times of crisis because they have to reap the benefits in good times, but around Imran Khan, all the leaders are leaders, not a single worker. This is the tragedy of PTI, and this is the tragedy of Imran Khan. In such a situation, how can people come out and show their love for Imran Khan? Surely what Allah does, He does right. Surely what Allah will do, He will do right.
The Future of the Political Movements in Pakistan.
The drama being played out in the current day is not just a story of one political party or one leader; it is an elaboration of a larger picture of Pakistani politics. When political movements are able to convert the admiration into the organization and the followers into the committed workers, they stand through the crisis. History has indicated that the parties that make investments in ideological training, grassroots networks and institutional continuity ultimately re-enter the political space even following extreme repression.
In the case of PTI, the task ahead is not merely electoral fairness or survival in politics but a structural change, that it must have a cadre that can continue political struggle beyond the faces. In the absence of such foundations, the popularity may always be a mere symbol but not an effective one.
Meanwhile, a good political system must be provided with the room to engage in peaceful political activities and dissent with the constitution. Fear as a dominating factor in the lives of people undermines the democratic participation of every individual, and not of a party. Finally, the future of democratic Pakistan will be determined by whether the political actors and the political institutions themselves can find a way to get out of confrontation cycles to stability, participation, and institutional maturity.
Political ebbs and flows, political leaders and leaders themselves come and go, but once instituted, organized political consciousness considerably outlives any crisis.
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